"Dark Beverage of Hell"
The Transformation of Hamilton County's Dry Crusade, 1876-1936

Jason S. Lantzer

Chapter 4: From Civic Need to Miscellaneous Issue


The D.C. Stephenson case marked the beginning of the end of the Klan in Indiana.Soon after the verdict was announced, the first large cracks in the Prohibition movement started to become evident across the nation as well.The battle for repeal eventually came to Hamilton County, though wet forces found the tradition of dry influence to be more powerful than many had ever suspected.

With the Stephenson case over, Noblesville was ready to return its attention to Prohibition.Liquor raids recommenced during 1926.Usually arrests were made for possession, though some violators were charged with driving while intoxicated.Sometimes arrests came about because of accidents, such as when a bottle of white mule caused Jack Seago's barn to catch on fire.The Hamilton County sheriff even raided filling stations and lunchrooms during the course of the year. 1

Those selling alcohol illegally continued to fight their arrests in court.William Phillips, the owner of the Fairfield Inn, was caught with fifteen gallons of wine, and yet pled not guilty in court.When convicted, fined, and sentenced, Phillips told the court he planned to appeal.He was refused a new trial and ordered to jail over two years later, though he did not begin to actually serve his sentence until May 1930. 2

Once again, drys found a staunch ally in the pages of the Noblesville Daily Ledger.  The paper ran editorial cartoons throughout the year dealing with Prohibition.In one series, it linked America's problems with foreigners and the problems associated with Prohibition enforcement to "un-American" elements.  In "Sailing Back Home," Uncle Sam's boot is shown kicking "alien gun man," "alien bootlegger," "alien undesirable," "alien beer runner," and "alien red" over the Statue of Liberty and back across the Atlantic Ocean. 3In "Scum," Uncle Sam is shown lifting "undesirable aliens" out of the "American Melting Pot." 4The situation in Chicago also received attention from the Ledger.In an editorial cartoon from later in 1926, entitled "Mrs. O'Leary's Cow Outdone!," the specter of crime was shown to be terrorizing the citizens of the Windy City, while the full moon reveals a picture of a cow named "Lax Justice" kicking over the lantern of "law and order" with the force of"gang politics." 5

In another series, the paper dealt with the frustration many drys felt with wets refusal to accept Prohibition.In "Talk, Talk, Talk," the public is shown watching wet and dry cannons creating smoke in front of the Capitol. 6In "Its Now or Never," Demon rum and General Andrews the head of National Prohibition for the Federal Government] were shown in a boxing match.Andrew's boxing glove is shown to be getting larger thanks to money, undercover agents, and super enforcement. 7And in "Getting to be a Neighborhood Nuisance," a "dry" man is shown getting ready to throw a shoe at the "wet" cat that is singing loudly on the "political" fence late at night. 8

The paper was not alone in its dry efforts.  Noblesville's churches were still very much at the forefront of upholding the Prohibition banner.Rev. Moore continued to be the leader of his fellow pastors in many regards.He was asked to offer the first formal prayer ever given at the opening of the city council in January.As spokesman for the Noblesville Ministerial Association, he told the Ledger that the Church was not full of "kill joys," but only sought to find a proper place for things in society.Moore even helped the sheriff dump thirty-four gallons of beer and wine down the jail sink. 9

Revivals continued be a mainstay for Noblesville's churches in the city as well.First Methodist launched one in March, and was followed by another at the AME Church.A union revival was held later that year with the United Brethren and Friends.During 1926, speakers or sermons at First Methodist condemned jazz, lax law enforcement, and the old time saloon. Additionally, there were calls for more religion in public life, better schools, and defense of the home.The Methodists also condemned sin on the inside glossed over by "righteousness on the outside. 10

Perhaps the Methodists were discussing the Klan.  Fallout from the Stephenson case continued.In January, the Klan reported that its membership was about 50,000 statewide, with two national groups locked in lawsuits with one another to determine the "true" Klan.In March, Indiana's Grand Dragon, Lee Smith, announced that the order was out of politics, and simply wanted to hold both political parties accountable to the Klan's standards.Hamilton County Klansmen endorsed this change of course.They continued to be active in Noblesville, taking part in a funeral at the United Brethren Church in April. 11

Unfortunately for the Klan, D.C. Stephenson would not go away.In 1926 he began the appeals process to the State Supreme Court.If this was not bad enough for the Klan, it soon became known and published that Stephenson had been running what the Noblesville Daily Ledger called a "super government" which in turn had run Indiana when he was at the height of his power.  Politicians beholden to the former Klan leader included John Duvall, mayor of Indianapolis, and Governor Ed Jackson.Even Sen. Watson was drug through the Stephenson mud, though Ralph Kane publicly defended him to the people of Noblesville. 12

Neither was 1926 a good year for dry advocate Rev. E.S. Shumaker of the IASL.Shumaker was convicted by the Indiana Supreme Court of contempt charges arising out of saying the court was soft on Prohibition enforcement.  The following year, the conviction was upheld, though this did not stop him from coming to Noblesville and taking part in an IASL sponsored union revival in August 1927.Having exhausted the appeals process, Shumaker set off to serve his sentence at the state farm in October 1928.After a tearful goodbye with his family in Indianapolis, he arrived at the farm to find a pardon waiting for him from Gov. Jackson. 13

In many ways, 1927 was simply a continuation of 1926 in terms of Prohibition, but there were important changes as well.For one, Rev. Moore left the Christian Church to take over a pulpit in Indianapolis.With Moore gone, more of the leadership responsibility of Noblesville's churches fell on the shoulders of Rev. M.O. Lester of First Methodist.Rev. Lester believed that Christians needed to be most active in the work of the Church, and not let themselves get distracted by other groups or commitments.  In January, he launched a revival at the church that included the use of a stereopticon machine.He condemned some Christians of knowingly living in sin, playing cards, and called on women to take more of a leadership role in promoting reform.Members of First Methodist also heard an address by Sen. Arthur Robinson in 1927.  The junior senator from Indiana labeled those who violated the Eighteenth Amendment as "outlaws." 14

"Strict enforcement" to try and convict these outlaws became the job of Hamilton County prosecuting attorney Ralph Waltz.During the year, Waltz dealt with those arrested for possession and manufacturing illegal alcohol.He was helped in this by Judges Hines and Sparks, who not only heard the cases brought before them by Waltz, but also started speaking to local churches on the need for law enforcement.   Hines told Lapel Methodists that if those who called themselves Christians would stop visiting bootleggers, the liquor problem would vanish overnight.By the end of the year the Noblesville Daily Ledger was reporting that bootleggers were having such a difficult time finding buyers for their liquor because of the crackdown that they now had to actually solicit potential clients. 15

D.C. Stephenson continued to be in the news, much to the chagrin of the Klan.In 1927 he charged that his trial had been unfair.Rumors also began to circulate that he was plotting to have Governor Jackson murdered.Stephenson managed to do even worse, however.Rather than talk, he had turned over to reporters documents that implicated Jackson and other Indiana politicians as beholden to him.This would spell the end of Jackson as a politician but it did nothing to better Stephenson's legal position, as the Indiana Supreme Court upheld his conviction for murder. 16Stephenson continued to be a headline grabber in 1928 as well.He began working on another appeal to his conviction, sued sculptor Stone Mountain and Mount Rushmore sculptor Gutzon Borglum, and was a potential witness for a Howard County grand jury looking into a banking scandal.Though his appeals were doomed to failure, he was able to testify in Governor Jackson's case, further discrediting his former friend. 17

During the Jackson case, Stephenson told jurors that he had feared for his life while on trial in Noblesville.He believed the governor and Hiram Wesley Evans, the Imperial Wizard of the Klan, were behind a plot to destroy him by influencing the Hamilton County jury against him.After Stephenson testified, State Attorney General Arthur Gillom, a long time opponent of the Klan, brought suit to have the order dissolved in Indiana. 18The hooded order was no favorite of the judge who tried Jackson's case either.Charles M. McCabe said of the Klan:

I am fully aware of the slime and disgrace brought on this state by that organization.I have talked of it this way since it was first formed and say it now.There is nothing more revolting in the history of the state.It has resulted in the disgrace of Indiana. 19

Despite all the setbacks and sidetracks, Stephenson continued to try to get out of prison. Though he refused to give his side of Madge Oberholtzer's death to the public, after meeting with his attorneys he again started to draft an appeal.Stephenson also spoke with Attorney General Gillom in regards to the Klan organization in Indiana as part of the state's attempt to oust the order.The case was brought to Noblesville for trial.The Klan had become so discredited that in a murder trial held in Noblesville in November 1928, both sides did not want Klansmen to sit in the jury box. 20

Reflecting on his own trial in Hamilton County three years before, Stephenson said that the court "was used as an instrument of vengeance; that justice was defeated; that mob violence prevailed and that threats of bodily harm and death prevented him] from testifying in his own behalf."He denied to the press that he had ever claimed to be "the law" in Indiana, or that he had ever exerted influence over state government.Stephenson said he was preparing to expose Evans as a murder and criminal, and that is why he was thrown into prison. 21

There was more to 1928 than just Stephenson, however.  Prohibition continued to be the preeminent subject both locally and nationally.The Indiana Bureau of Statistics reported that the murder rate had gone up in the state during 1927, because of the "breaking of family ties, autos, and liquor" which had produced "fast living by young people."Judge Hines condemned these very same elements in a speech at Ninth Street Methodist as making up the "wild life of today."  He pled with parents to make their children go to church.Rev. Lester at First Methodist held parents responsible for the actions of their children as well, saying they did not set good examples themselves and gave their children access to cars and liquor.M.E. Foley of the State Prison board, speaking to the Noblesville Kiwanis, also said parents needed to raise their children better to avoid them falling into a life of crime. 22

The courts had to contend with liquor cases.One man was arrested, after a yearlong investigation, when police discovered white mule being stored in his chicken coop.  Further filling the court's dockets was a ruling that said bootleggers could be brought up on civil as well as criminal charges.The courts even ordered a full blown investigation into liquor traffic in Sheridan after one man was arrested there. 23

Bootleggers were becoming increasingly bold and sophisticated as a group.In the fall of 1928, reports began to circulate around Hamilton County that there was a rum running airport operating on the county line with Marion County.  It was thought that cars from Indianapolis came up to unload the airplanes, who made frequent trips to the hidden strip, and then moved on to distribute their illicit cargo. 24

Prohibition was a very important issue in the 1928 presidential election.Southern Democrats went into the primary season saying they wanted a dry candidate.  Though Al Smith, a wet Catholic from New York won the nomination, the party was not split but it was divided.  Smith said he was for temperance, but against Prohibition. 25

The Republicans, meanwhile, were growing stronger.  In the May primaries, 600 more Republicans voted in Noblesville than had in 1926.The Republican Party publicly condemned "Prohibition nullification," linking it to urban Democratic machines.Smith became an easy target, after he called for the modification of the Volstead Act.  His public statements, as much as his religion and address, made him an enemy for many drys in Indiana.A Kokomo Friends' pastor called on the nation to vote dry, which meant voting Republican.Rev. G.E. Jones of the Presbyterian Church, told the WCTU at a gathering at the courthouse that he believed the saloon must be banished forever if the nation was to reap the full benefits of being dry.Everyone was happy with the Republican victory that fall. 26

The Indianapolis Recorder, the state's leading African-American newspaper, kept tabs on the Klan and its associated groups during these years.In 1926, for example, it reported that the Klan was plotting to blow-up Tuskegee Institute, watched the meeting of the White People's Protective League that took place in Indianapolis, and said the U.S. Senate was considering investigating Indiana and the Klan.Despite the onus of the Klan, the paper continued to push for African-Americans to support the Republican Party in both 1926 and 1928. 27

Prohibition enforcement was taking a toll, and not just on bootleggers.After nearly a decade of trying, the Federal Government was ready to listen to ideas about how Prohibition could be better enforced, or if it should be modified or even repealed.Newly elected president Herbert Hoover agreed that Prohibition needed to be discussed.  Nationally, many drys were divided over what course should be taken.How should money be spent, in education or in enforcement?Eventually, the government decided to launch another major law enforcement campaign.Prohibition agents believed that victory was possible.The Federal Government pinned much of their hopes on achieving victory in Detroit, by blockading access from Canada, in order to prove that Prohibition could be enforced.Even agreeing to the debate had proved to be "messy" politics for Hoover, who despite his call for obedience to the law, was now considered somewhat suspect by many drys. 28

Hoover's woes over the issue were compounded by reports of a crime wave.Judge F.E. Hines said that such talk was nonsense.According to Hines, crime was only keeping up with population growth.  The judge returned to the theme in 1930, again blaming parents for the actions of "wild" youth.Rev. Jones supported Judge Hines' statements that year as well, saying people had become "slaves to dress and] etiquette."Other speakers in the city discounted the idea that the war or Prohibition had anything to do with crime as well.It was simply a matter of population growth. 29

One "criminal" who finally ran out of options was Rev. Shumaker of the IASL.The Indiana Supreme Court in a controversial opinion, overturned Gov. Jackson's pardon.  Ordered back to the state farm, Shumaker was assigned to work in the dairy.Criticism of the court for its decision was unrelenting.Many said that Shumaker had done little more than express his opinion that the court was wrong, and if Americans could not do that, as they had done on issues such as slavery, there were fundamental problems with the state and nation.Shumaker left the farm in April, and was escorted back to Indianapolis as a martyr.  He proclaimed he was ready to once again do battle for the dry cause.He would not be offered much of a chance, however, as shortly after his release he grew ill.Cancer was discovered and in October the undisputed leader of the dry forces in Indiana was dead. 30

The Klan suffered a further legal set back in 1929 when the Indiana Court of Appeals ruled that members could not sue for libel if their names were printed in a newspaper.The order, which had received something of a rebound because of Smith's candidacy in 1928, quickly fell apart nationally. 31

Both the Christian Church, under the new leadership of Rev. A.L. Ward, and First Methodist, under Rev. M.O. Lester, continued to press for religious engagement in the community.Emphasis was put on making Noblesville "a church going city."  Rev. Lester said that there was much for the Church to do in the world.For those in Westfield, the fight for Prohibition was to continue.The town held a "Victory Day" in honor of the Eighteenth Amendment's ratification.A large crowd was told that the fight to keep the nation dry had only started. 32

Though the stock market crash failed to make the front page of the paper in October 1929, few could argue that the end of the year marked a change in the country and the county.In November, Democrats took control of Noblesville.On the surface, however, very little changed.Mayor Gifford ordered police to "clamp down the lid" on gambling in the city.The Noblesville Ministerial Association, in January 1930, announced that First Methodist, the Friends, and the United Brethren all planned to have revivals during the year. 33

But the discussion around Prohibition was being altered.The Noblesville Daily Ledger reported that of the 225 people jailed in 1929, there was only one murder, and that the rest had had something to do with liquor.Rev. Jones of the Presbyterian Church told his congregation in a sermon said that "guns and clubs" would not convince people of the justness of Prohibition.  Such a realization, he said, had to be a personal decision.Rev. Lester of First Methodist said that "no question is settled until it is settled right," and that Prohibition could only work if its moral value was cherished over any economic benefits.City Attorney and former judge, Meade Vestal spoke to the Noblesville Ministerial Association and urged pastors to preach on the gospel and not about politics. 34

The shift could also be seen in the courts and in how Prohibition was lived in Noblesville.In February, a jury found a defendant not guilty in a liquor case.  This outcome became increasingly common.  A white mule bottle was even found near police headquarters.Undaunted though, the Prohibition raids continued.Police arrested two men, one of whom was a member of the HTDA, for transporting liquor within the county.As the year progressed, more arrests were made and more liquor confiscated.  Luck often had as much to do with an arrest as good police work did.When a fire struck a home in Arcadia, for example, police were able to confiscate parts of a still and thirty-two barrels of corn mash.The other way luck played into police work was when officers were able to turn one person against those they worked with in the bootlegging trade.This was the case of Claude Moore, whose arrest for possession of forty-five bottles of beer led to four more arrests in the fall of 1930. 35

The churches tried to stem the growing tide in different ways.Rev. Jones became convinced that the "struggle between capital and labor" was at the root of current problem, and so devoted sermons to it.Rev. Lester turned First Methodist's revival into a discussion of if the citizens in Noblesville wanted to live in sin or not.  Drys were told that since the wets refused to give up, they must stay active as well.The Noblesville Ministerial Association even brought in a guest speaker to talk to the town about the nation's racial divide and of bridging the gap in small communities. 36

No matter what the churches tried, however, by the onset of the depression that would be remembered as "great," Prohibition was doomed.  The politics that had been involved in allowing the Eighteenth Amendment to be passed in the first place proved to be roadblocks to actual enforcement.Corruption seeped into government and law enforcement agencies at every level because of the money to be made subverting the law.The depression's severity only made the flaws in Prohibition more obvious, as well as giving call to new reasons why repeal was necessary. 37

D.C. Stephenson was still able to make the newspapers.He told the press that he needed to be released in order to gather evidence to prove his innocence.The organization Stephenson had built up into one of the most powerful in the country was simply no more.Attorney General James Ogden said he was going to drop the Klan dissolution suit because he saw no reason to "stir things up" since the group had all but collapsed.The Klan's auxiliaries were not yet dead in Hamilton County though.In April 1930, the HTDA met.The organization still had branches in Adams, Atlanta, Cicero, Noblesville, Poplar Ridge, and Arcadia.G.L. Mallery, George Roudebush, and Earl Williams headed the Noblesville branch. 38

As the 1930 elections approached, the churches once again leapt to the forefront of action.Rev. Lester preached a sermon dealing with the Church and Prohibition.  In it he said that the Methodist Church had a history of fighting social problems, and the "liquor traffic is the most persistent evil of the day."Likening it to a hydra, Lester said that drys had to strike at the monied interests who backed repeal and those who belittled law enforcement by buying bootleg liquor.  He told his congregation that until the law was actually enforced and followed, it was impossible to declare Prohibition a failure. 39

Election results were split.Democrats made gains in the state and federal levels, for the first time since the World War, showing strength.Franklin Roosevelt of New York came out of the election as a viable presidential candidate.Many believed the Democratic resurgence was linked to a drought that was hitting the country as well as the depression. 40

D.C. Stephenson again dominated the pages of the Noblesville Daily Ledger in 1931.Taking a break from his work in the Michigan City prison mess hall, he once again began the appeals process.Saying he could not speak because of fear for his life, Stephenson asked the Indiana Supreme Court to allow Judge Hines to rehear his case.  His attorneys now included Clarence Darrow, and his supporters numbered his ex-wife and daughter.A petition was started, with the goal of 100,000 signatures, to get a pardon for him.By August, it had accumulated only 4,000 names, and Stephenson was openly condemning it as part of a plot by Evans to keep him in jail.The state moved to block a retrial, and the Supreme Court drug its collective feet in hearing the case. 41

Drys did find some support in Washington, D.C.  The Wickersham Commission, appointed by Pres. Hoover, said that there was no reason to repeal the Eighteenth Amendment.However, the commission was divided over the whether there needed to be an emphasis placed on revision of the liquor laws or of regulation of the laws already on the books.  A month later, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the Eighteenth Amendment as part of the Constitution. 42

In 1931 the façade of Prohibition received its first major crack when an open forum was held in Indianapolis to discuss whether or not the Wright Bone Dry Law should be repealed.Speaking in favor of repeal was Boyd Gurley, editor of the Indianapolis Times, who had been at the forefront to crush both D.C. Stephenson and the Klan in Indiana.Gurley charged that the law was passed because of collusion between Stephenson's faction of the Klan and the IASL.E.A. Miles, the attorney of the IASL denied such an accusation.  Gurley said that the temperance crusade he had once supported had been turned into a "racket" that allowed crime to grow and corruption, like the Klan, to spread into politics. 43

The Noblesville Daily Ledger's coverage of the meeting provides a glimpse of how the community was thinking about the possible repeal of Prohibition.The coverage in and of itself was balanced, both sides were represented, but it was not very deep.Most of the small article was dedicated to the denial of Stephenson's involvement in the drafting of the Wright Law.But perhaps the most telling thing was that Gurley was labeled as "militant" by the paper. 44

Nationally, George Ade's book, The Old-Time Saloon, added to the debate.Ade offered his recollections of what the saloon had been in the years before Prohibition to a public whose memories were either growing faint themselves, or had no personal contact with saloons at all because of their age.His reflections were bittersweet, for though he concluded it was a good thing for the saloon to be gone, it was missed.Ade's sentiments were part of a growing groundswell of similar ideas. 45

During the debate, arrests continued.Men in the "drunk tank" busted into the cabinet the jail used to house its confiscated liquor.Rumors ran around the county that a "motorized still" had moved from Indianapolis into the county.The Madison County sheriff even had to raid a speakeasy operated by his brother.And though several arrests were botched, police could take credit for confiscating 600 gallons of liquor and wine and a 100 gallon still in a single raid in Fall Creek Township in June. 46

The Depression began to be felt in Noblesville in 1931.The city council endorsed a plan by Mayor Gifford and Rev. G.E. Jones to put unemployed men to work in the city's park.Other relief measures included a "back to the farm" drive, a Church sponsored food drive for the poor, and the creation of a citywide "unemployment organization."Pastors talked in optimistic tones, such as when the Rev. E. Howard Brown of the Friends Church predicted that the Depression was nearly over.President Hoover was enthusiastically greeted by over 300 county residents who made the trip to Indianapolis to see him talk about his confidence in the country. 47

Despite their Depression work, the city's churches still found time to fight for Prohibition.First Methodist sponsored, in conjunction with the IASL, speeches by among others, famed Federal Prohibition agent "Pussy Foot" Johnson.  The speakers said that the fate of Prohibition would be decided in the next five years.They also believed that drinking among children was the result of not knowing the evils of the saloons.The program was supported by the Christian, Ninth Street Methodist, and Friends churches, as well as by Atlanta Christian Church.A citywide revival was launched in November.With an average attendance of 1,500, over 30,000 people were estimated to have come to the revival at some point. 48

Everything seemed to lead up to a final battle for Prohibition in 1932.  The Noblesville Ministerial Association planned a union meeting of the city's churches for October to hear from the IASL.This was followed by a dry rally, led by the city's ministers, which ended on the courthouse lawn.The meeting and subsequent rally, backed by the Noblesville Daily Ledger, were both considered successes.The WCTU vowed to continue to fight no matter the election outcome. 49

The Sheridan News said of the 1932 election: "Democratic Landslide Sweeps the Country, Hamilton County One of Few to Escape."The Noblesville Daily Ledger simply said, "Roosevelt in Landslide."The Prohibition Party was not as lucky.It mustered 81,869 votes nationwide and 10,399 in Indiana.While these numbers more than doubled the votes cast for the party in 1924, even the threat of repeal was not enough to save it. 50

It took Democratic electoral victory for repeal to become a reality.The Federal Government moved quickly, as "Prohibition awaited] the final verdict" but left the ultimate decision in the hands of the states.Pres. Roosevelt did push for the modification of the Volstead Act, however.Everyone believed that actual repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment would take a long time. 51

For the state, the floor fell from underneath Prohibition in February 1933.  The state legislature, now dominated by Democrats, voted to repeal the bone-dry law and "legalized liquor up to the Federal limit" by large margins in the House and Senate.Hamilton County representative, Justin Roberts, voted against both bills.Under the new laws, offenders under the Wright Law were to be freed, the office of  "beer czar" was created, and alcohol would be produced, but heavily regulated.While some members of the General Assembly expressed reservation, supporters said the Wright Law was "obnoxious."Some wets were disappointed in the out come of repeal, as pushed for by Gov. Paul McNutt, as still being too strict. 52

The first legal alcohol, after being officially dry for nearly fifteen years, arrived in Noblesville in early March.This did not mean the war was over though.The drys had won on several key points.The saloon of old was to be no more.Beer would not be allowed in parks.  Bootleggers were still fair game, as home manufacturing was illegal.However, as a result a result of the new legislation, prosecution for liquor violations, all but ended. 53

Hamilton County was given two votes for the repeal legislation convention.The battle within the county over the control of those delegates was fierce.Carmel WCTU, the County WCTU, Westfield Friends, and North Indiana Conference of the Methodist Church all came out against repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment and for continuing Prohibition.Two drys, one a Democrat from White River Township and the other, Republican from Delaware Township, were the first to file as delegates.It took the wets nearly a month to come up with challengers from Noblesville and White River townships, which could muster only 800 votes in the county compared to 2,100 for the drys. 54

The dry victory can at least in part be attributed to their tactics.They either organized or took part in rallies designed to bolster public support for Prohibition, a tactic that had worked so well for them in the past.There was a meeting in Delaware Township, and a huge rally at Indianapolis's Roberts Park Methodist Church, attended by Bishop James Cannon of the ASL.The Lord's Day Alliance had a meeting in Westfield, where 2,000 people were told that an open Sunday equaled an open war on Protestantism. 55

Anticipation leading up to the statewide vote called for more rallies to push the drys over the top.Rev. A.W. Pugh of First Methodist told his congregation that he was voting dry because the Eighteenth Amendment was the greatest law the country had ever passed.Bishop Cannon of the ASL was called to be part of a rally at the Christian Church, which reenergized the drys in Hamilton County. 56

In June 1933, Hamilton County remained a bastion of dry support.During the election of constitutional delegates, the drys beat the wets by over 1,300 votes.  In Noblesville, six of the eleven precincts voted wet, though four of those slipped out of the dry column by less than ten votes in each.Washington, Wayne, and Clay townships were resoundingly dry in all nine precincts.  Fall Creek had one dry and one wet prescient, while Delaware went two out of three dry, as did White River.  Jackson Township had two wet precincts to seven dry, while Adams Township had only one out of six go wet. 57

What the outcome showed was that wet strength continued to be centered in the more urban areas of the county.   Dry strength was still such that the County WCTU felt confident enough to call on Christians to shun places where alcohol was sold.  Indiana though, was no Hamilton County.  The state voted in 252 wet delegates to a mere 77 dry. 58

            By the end of the year, Prohibitionwas officially out in twenty states. President Roosevelt called for an end to bootlegging.And the State Department decreed that theTwenty-First Amendment was in place as far as it was concerned. 59

Even thepolitical climate had changed. Republicans could no longer count on being elected.Sen. Watson was defeated in 1932, and said hewas done with Washington.During his ownreelection bid in 1934, Senator Arthur Robinson found himself continuallylinked to the Klan past of Indiana's Republican Party.No one took greater delight in remindingreaders of this than did theNoblesvilleMorning Times, a Democratic organ. TheTimeseven took to callinghim "Li'l Arthur."They chastised himrelentlessly on his unwillingness to support the Democratic administration ofFranklin Roosevelt.Republicansquabbling even led to Westfield electing a Democratic town board in 1935. 60

Unfortunatelyfor Sen. Robinson, D. C. Stephenson would not go away.He now claimed he was framed and that murdershad been committed to keep people quiet. He also believed that a $30,000 fund was set up to prejudice HamiltonCounty against him.After his failurewith the Indiana Supreme Court, Stephenson said he would consider an appeal tothe U.S. Supreme Court. 61

There were other things to worryabout.By now, rich and poor alike werehurting because of the Depression.TheNoblesville Ministerial Association held a prayer meeting for PresidentRoosevelt and the nation at the Wild Opera House during the bank holidaycrisis. 62

InDepression Era Hamilton County, even whisky could find a "moral niche."According to theNoblesville Morning Times, whisky had a place in the life of the nation,so long as it was not abused.An articleran in October 1934 seemed to indicate that even liquor producers had learned alesson from Prohibition.Liquor was a"luxury" not a necessity.TheTimesbelieved that "if the whiskymakers and dealers of the United States had taken such an attitude before theeighteenth amendment was adopted, the lamentable prohibition experiment mightnot have been inflicted upon the country." 63Prohibition succeeded in so far as the saloonof old was no more.People's drinkinghabits changed because of the decade of official dryness. 64

The changein sentiment caused the Prohibition Party to hunker down, and try to stay aliveas a party.Its headquarters was placedin Winona Lake, near Warsaw, Indiana from 1947-1971, and its conventions werecentered in Indiana from 1943 through 1959. It continued to be a presence in Hoosier politics through 1968, when its.22% of the vote (4,616 votes), was the last time it was on the ballot. 65

However,that is not to say that everything had changed in Hamilton County.In 1935, "Pop" Brown became mayor ofNoblesville again.One of his firstduties was to help appoint the county liquor licensing board, which would watchover liquor dealers.It was also on hiswatch that Noblesville was forced to consider whether or not liquor would besold by the drink or not.TheNoblesville Morning Timessaid, "Theliquor question is naturally going to be one of the biggest questionsconfronting the people of every county. What to do or what not to do is an issue worth considerablethought.But liquor is here to say, andwhich is the best way to control it is one for every one to give somethought."In the end, the city councilvoted not to allow it to be sold by the drink. 66

The churches were still a veryimportant part of the community, and still very involved in its life.In January 1935, the Noblesville MinisterialAssociation sponsored a local week of prayer to coincide with a similarNational Week of Prayer.The Methodist,Presbyterian, Christian, AME, United Brethren, and Friends all took an activepart.They offered a combined GoodFriday service as well.The ChristianChurch even got to broadcast its 1936 Christmas service on the radio.And the citizenry could still becomeenergized over moral issues.In 1936,there was an open call by Hamilton County women for stricter law enforcementwhen it came to gambling houses. 67

Old foes could reappear from timeto time as well. In July 1934, a Russian language teacher from Washington, D.C.announced in a Methodist Church there that First Methodist in Noblesville wason a list of churches the communists wanted to blow up.Noblesville took the threat seriously, thoughnot the plot. 68

In the churches, Prohibition'slegacy was one of silence.Occasionally,someone, often a Methodist or Quaker, would condemn the resurrected liquortraffic, but little else was done.Thefact that it had worked better than it was often given credit for later, thatfewer people actually drank, that most people obeyed the law, was lost in theagony of defeat. 69

The Klan had left no visiblelasting impression on how the county functioned. Mention of it usually onlycame in reference to the various attempts by D.C. Stephenson to gain hisrelease. The last vestiges of the official Klan disappeared in October 1933,when the HTDA decided to disband.At ameeting at First Methodist, the 150 assembled delegates expressed their hopethat the group could be reformed at some point in the future. 70

As far as African-American relationswith their white neighbors went, while there was strain because of the Klan,things returned to "normal" in the county. The AME Church was a part of the ministerial association, andindividuals were part of the fabric of the community.In 1935, First Methodist was the site of anAfrican-American quartet of gospel singers. 71

Thepatriotism that the Klan had fed off of had largely vanished as well, alongside the prosperity of the pre-Depression years.When war erupted between Italy and Ethiopia,theNoblesville Morning Timescommented, "we will not get involved although many feel that we cannot help it,but the American people learned one lesson and are not so keen about going into fight some one else's battle... We did a lot of the fighting in WorldWar I], lost a few thousand men, and got a good kick in the pants." 72

The Klan'slargest legacy was in the silence of the churches.Methodist historians of the next generation,when they mentioned the Klan, and not many did, used words such as "some" and"brief" to describe the captivity of the Church by the Klan.Norwood, for example, admits that thedenomination as a whole was "stained" by its members' association with thehooded order.Historians of theDisciples of Christ, while willing to talk about the denomination's role inProhibition, were less likely to admit to its pastors' and laities' involvementwith the Klan.Some, like Lester G.McAllister and William E. Tucker's book,Journeyof Faith, refused to admit that members joined of their own free will, orif they did, were "rural and conservative." Limited, and often vague, denominational condemnations of the Klan werecelebrated.Their continued unwillingness to confront the past stains them still. 73

Rev. Moorereturned to Noblesville Christian from Indianapolis's Seventh Christian Churchin 1938, but died soon after returning to Hamilton County.The congregation was "deeply grieved."After a viewing that saw between 1,400-1,500people come by the parsonage, over 1,000 people attended the funeral.Many more gathered outside the church, wherea loudspeaker was set up. 74

In manyways, Moore's death marked the end of the dry crusade that had begun in earnestback in the 1870s.His funeral was afitting celebration and reminder of all that had been right and wrong with themovement.After decades of agitation,drys had been able to achieve total legislative victory.But it had come at a cost.The movement had been forced to change itsfocus from temperance to prohibition, its message from moral reform to economicprosperity, and its locus from pastors to politicians.Along the way, drys had even formed analliance with the Ku Klux Klan.Thesenew pillars proved to be insufficient support for the crusade to weather thestorms of corruption and Depression, and the Eighteenth Amendment had beenrepealed as a result.And yet, thesaloon of old, which had first attracted them to the issue, was no more.But the old dry warriors gathered at Moore'sfuneral must have asked, at what price victory?

Chapter 1: From Temperance to Prohibition

Chapter 2: From Local Concern to National Priority

Chapter 3: From the Cross of Christ to the Fiery Cross

Chapter 4: From Civic Need to Miscellaneous Issue


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